By Marian Klamer
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Additional info for A Grammar of Kambera
Modu —* duka. 'mo:. In (42), a section of the foot is moved to the beginning of the prosodic word. When a word is morphologically simple (yu: -> wuyu, haila -> Ιαηαϊ) the section moves to the beginning of the foot. indo]. Thus, prefixes are included in the wordgame, which is an indication that not the foot but the next higher prosodic domain, the prosodic word (cf. Nespor and Vogel 1986), is the domain of this game. The section of the foot that is moved in this game cannot be characterised as 'the final syllable' because that does not over all the cases in (42).
There are two options. Either the final syllable is put at the beginning (ka. 'paindah(u) —»· huka. 'painda), or the non-head part of the foot is put at the beginning (ka. 'paindah(u) —*,ndahu ka. 'ραί) and the resulting word is stressed like a compound (cf. the compound ,tau ka. '\vini 'woman'). 32 Another Kambera word game distinguishes a foot from a prosodic word. In this game the onsetless prosodic template of the Foot (and Foot*) is employed. This template is attached to some standard 'prefixes', namely ikan-, it-, paw- and haramb-.
I- 'ita. ng(u) pa. ka. ngo-ngoja [pakarj wo-' rj wodsa] pa. ba- 'banjar(u). ng(u) We see that both simple and morphologically complex bases undergo CV-reduplication. The base of this reduplication is always the root. 35 C v-reduplication copies the first consonant and vowel of the root. e. ngoja 'trample X' andpena 'pencil'), this low/broken vowel is copied, with the result that it looks as if the process of umlaut has Overapplied'. In (46) we also observe that in CV-reduplication the vowel sequences /ai/, /ei/, /eu/, /au/, /ua/ and /ia/ are all treated alike in being considered bivocalic structures.